Showing posts with label social movements. Show all posts
Showing posts with label social movements. Show all posts

One Less Car: Bicycling and the Politics of Automobility (Sporting) Review

One Less Car: Bicycling and the Politics of Automobility (Sporting)
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One Less Car: Bicycling and the Politics of Automobility (Sporting) Review
This is an outstanding treatment of bicycles and their relationship to larger quality of life issues in the USA. The key idea s that of "automobility." The book is a powerful and tractable exposition, the only treatment of I know of that is not undertheorized with respect to its subject matter! (And I've read them all...)
His treatment is sociological and normative, not just descriptive and historical (assuming the latter is possible.) Apparently, this is confusing to folks. Building a solid case on a sandy foundation is always going to upset those, who, regardless of disciplinary pedigree, are only satisfied with unassailable assessments...but such is life.
Furness focuses on the *relationships* between bicycles, transportation, the built environment and the larger consumer culture (with its dominant "rugged individualist" psychology and economic "market ideology). He examines the role of the bicycle, both the role it has played and could play, in enhancing (or detracting from) the quality of life emergent among those relationships. In so doing, Furness critically helps point the way forward for bicycle advocacy, from an historically informed perspective on "automobility."
Contrary to the other reviewers, this book is not the least bit ideological. The claims of bias seem confused, even if predictable. Furness does demand critical inquiry, where third-party evidence is what matters, not the parroting of the received wisdom from various "stakeholders" in and around bicycle and transportation circles; and he assumes that ecological concerns should be primary in *any* historical or normative account of *any* technology in 2011; and he assumes that any "black box" discussion of the bicycle - as if the bicycle is ipso facto, an unimpeachable, cosmic good - is a malignant form of ideology all its own. (Which is sure to anger orthodox bicycle advocacy organizations.) These are certainly his assumed departure points. But they are methodological. Such assumptions don't undermine his thesis and discussion about the *politics of automobility* - they ground it. Every critique assumes a departure point. At least Furness' is evidentially, normatively and historically grounded. I would challenge anyone to indicate otherwise...
Furness's book will likely anger traditional bicycle advocates, especially those inclined to classically liberal political perspectives: again, his is not a reductionist treatment that isolates the bicycle in a "black box" as an unequivocal good.
Those who are interested in the decline of the quality of life in the USA; social and mechanical technology; distributed theories of learning and cognition; embodied aesthetics; transportation; the built environment; and social movements, will be fascinated and rewarded by this book. It is excellent precisely because it does not offer definitive answers, much less decontextual, ahistorical ones. It is useful and excellent precisely because so much of it is arguable!One Less Car: Bicycling and the Politics of Automobility (Sporting) Overview

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Looting Africa: The Economics of Exploitation Review

Looting Africa: The Economics of Exploitation
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Looting Africa: The Economics of Exploitation ReviewIn 2005 the World Bank admitted that Africa is drained of wealth, through debt, phantom aid, capital flight, brain drain, unfair trade, export of primary products, and distorted investment. From 1980 to 2002, sub-Saharan Africa's debt rose from $61 billon to $206 billion, while it paid $255 billion in interest. Between 1970 and 1996, it also lost $285 billion in capital flight.
In 2000, 80% of Africa's exports were its nations' resources, compared to 31% for all developing countries. If nations stay stuck in the exporting commodities trap, they will not be able to develop industries and become self-reliant.
Bond shows how the EU loots Africa. The European Commission admitted that 70% of the EU's aid-for-trade programme was `support for the private sector'. The EU imposes trade liberalisation and privatisation, stripping Africa of what little industry it has. Trade liberalisation has cost sub-Saharan Africa $272 billion since 1986, because local producers now sell less than they did before trade was liberalised.
In 2005, the G8 wrote off about 1% of Third world debt, $40 billion. Third world debt, $580 billion in 1980, had soared to $2.4 trillion in 2002. Since 1980, the Third World's working classes have paid $4.6 trillion - the equivalent of 50 Marshall Plans - to the First World's capitalists.
Labour migration is another key resource loss. 20,000 skilled workers leave Africa every year. Bond shows that the remittances sent home do not compensate for the loss of the skilled labour. Yet he then writes, "The progressive position on migration has always been to maintain support for the `globalization of people' (while opposing the `globalization of capital') and in the process to oppose border controls and arduous immigration restrictions." This position is self-contradictory, both supporting and opposing `globalization', i.e. capitalism. Further, the evidence shows that unlimited migration weakens the working classes in the countries that lose the skilled labour and in the countries that receive it. But for Bond, the facts are less important than maintaining the traditional `progressive' position.
What is Bond's solution? He approvingly cites a vast array of NGOs, charities, campaigns, initiatives, solidarity groups, web resources, networks, forums and projects - which are splinter groups of activists, all single-issue, all tunnel-vision. These are a mirror image of the ruling class's institutions - IMF, World Bank, World Trade Organization, G8 Summits and World Summits (18 between 2001 and 2005). The ultra-left, like the ruling class, focuses on internationalism, turning away from the hard work of developing class struggles for national sovereignty and progress.
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Direct Action: An Ethnography Review

Direct Action: An Ethnography
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Direct Action: An Ethnography ReviewDon't let the word "ethnography" intimidate you. While this is certainly a serious scholastic work, it does not at all read like an anthropology textbook. In fact, at times it reads like a really good novel, full of dramatic street actions, colorful characters, and passionate conversations. In the first half of the book, Graeber provides a vivid history of the intense political organizing that culminated in the mass mobilization against the 2001 Summit of the Americas in Quebec City. Along the way, he provides a rich description of the various groups behind the protests like the Direct Action Network, the NYC Ya Basta! collective, CLAC, SalAMI, the Pagan Cluster, and the Black Bloc, among others. While the first half of the book will for sure keep you on the edge of your seat, the second portion is no less fascinating. Here, Graeber gives a detailed study of anarchist culture in North America, from consensus decision-making and spokescouncils to infoshops, Indymedia, giant puppets, DIY punk, and vegan diets. Besides recounting large events like the World Bank/IMF protests in DC and the FTAA protests in Miami, Graeber also describes many smaller actions like Critical Mass bike rides and the walkout of employees of the Museum of Modern Art in midtown Manhatten. So, if you want to better understand what the anti-capitalist movement is all about, I strongly urge you to read this insightful book. It will make you yearn for a better world.Direct Action: An Ethnography Overview

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